TAIPEI, Dec. 3
The ruling party in China's Taiwan Province, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), was defeated by the Pan Blue Alliance led by the Chinese Kuomintang Party (KMT),in a local election on Saturday.
Among the total 23 seats of county-level mayors, the KMT won 14 seats, compared with the former eight seats, and the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) won six, down from 10, according to the results announced by the Taiwan authorities late Saturday.
The DPP President Su Tseng-chang announced to resign for the debacle in the election at about 8 p.m., though the votes we reaffirmed by the authorities later.
The election began at 8:00 a.m. Saturday.
The KMT also won Taipei county, the largest county in the island with more than 3.4 million people and thus the focal grabbing point - while its allies, the People First Party (PFP),the New Party and personages without party affiliations each won one.
"The election results indicate a vote of nonconfidence of the public in the Taiwan authorities led by the DPP," said MaYing-jeou, chairman of the KMT on Saturday evening. According to relevant statutes in Taiwan, the new mayors at county-level will be installed on Dec. 20.
Among the 901 seats of county councilors, the KMT won 408, the DPP 192, the PFP 31, the "Taiwan Solidarity Union" 11, the NP two, and personages without party affiliations 256.
Another seat will be decided through drawing lots due to two people getting the same votes, according to the authorities. Among the 319 positions of town level mayors, the KMT won 173,the DPP 35, the PFP three, the "Taiwan Solidarity Union" one and personages without party affiliations 107.
2007年7月30日星期一
2007年7月29日星期日
Anti-Chen Shui-Bian Campaign
"Anti-Chen Campaign" ( Hanyu Pinyin: Daŏbiăn Yùndòng) is a mass campaign led by former DPP leader and Taiwanese politician Shi Ming-De to pressure Republic of China President Chen Shui-bian to resign.
Background
Taiwan's political scene is divided into two major groups. On one side are the pan-Blues, consisting of the Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang, or KMT) and two spin-off parties, the People First Party (PFP), and the New Party. Facing them are the pan-Greens, led by the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), and its ally the Taiwan Solidarity Union (TSU). Since the accession of Chen Shui-bian of the DPP to the Presidency in 2000, the Blue-controlled legislature has struggled to oust him, making changes to the impeachment process early in his administration, and attempting to recall him several times.
The latest round of recalls by the Blue side began in the summer of 2006, following a series of accusations of corruption against Chen and members of the first family. Allegations include insider trading by Chen's son-in-law, buying and selling of shares, and improper use of government funds. The recall motion was defeated due to a lack of votes.
Chen has denied any wrongdoing and not been found guilty by the Taiwanese judicial system. But his approval ratings fell, though the polls that show this is either from pro-Blue news media (which put him at about ~20%) or of completely unsupportable methodology, such as the notorious TSU poll that had him at just 5.8%. Hence, the actual extent of the decline is unknown. There have been calls from within his own party calling for his resignation, since there was some fear among the Greens that the scandals will affect the legislative election of 2007 and the Presidential election in 2008.
The "Million Voices Against Corruption" campaign began in August of 2006 when former DPP chairman and long-time democracy and independence activist Shi Ming-De announced that he would launch a protest campaign to force the President to resign. Shih had stepped down as chairman of the DPP in 1995, and began a long political drift from the Green side over to the Blue. According to his own version, he left the DPP in 1999, though party members said they kicked him out in 2000, blaming his grandstanding and repeated public attacks on his colleagues. In 2001 he became convener of a local pro-Blue thinktank called the Mountain Alliance, along with two other DPP turncoats, Sisy Chen and Xu Xin-liang. He ran unsuccessfully for mayor of Gaoxiong, garnering 1% of the vote, and also lost legislative elections in Taipei, both times running against DPP candidates. Shih's political career appeared to be in eclipse. Several years passed.
In August of 2006 Shih came back to prominence. During questioning at the Presidential Office on the afternoon of August 7, 2006, the president detailed to the prosecutor how he spent the fund and presented relevant receipts and bank remittance statements. On the same day, Shi Ming-De, a former ally of Chen, wrote a letter to Chen urging him to resign from office and to admit wrongdoing so as to "set a good example for the Taiwanese people". The proposal was rejected. On August 8th Shih announced his intention to open a bank account and collect NT$100 from supporters, which would be used to fund a protest in Taipei aimed at ousting the President.
On August 10, 2006, Shi Ming-De began to plan the "Million Voices against Corruption, President Chen Must Go" campaign. Shih offered to lead the Taiwanese people in street demonstrations if he were able to raise at least 100,000,000 New Taiwan Dollars (NTD) in fundraising for his campaign. On August 14, 2006, Shih and his allies began the fundraising event, raising 9,340,000 NTDs on the first day.[citation needed] On August 24, 2006, all donation accounts were closed, and the next day Shih announced that the fundraising campaign had raised 111,211,563 NTDs, well over the original goal.[citation needed]
In the meantime the Pan-Green supporters criticized. Initially the they recovered letters from his past begging the government for mercy when he was a political prisoner, but such tactics were widely seen as unseemly. More effective was the fact that Shih, supposedly battling against corruption, had personal connections to former Tuntex Group chairman Chen Yu-hao, one of the island's most famous embezzlers , a connection that Shih boasts of. Chen Yu-hao is widely known to be strongly opposed to President Chen. The Greens also raised questions about Shih's own finances, and made allegations that Shih was a tool of China. Security agencies found no connection to China, however.
On September 5, 2006, Shi Ming-De held a press conference in response to government responses, particularly from Premier Su Tseng-chang, indicating that the government "will not tolerate the protest"[citation needed]. Shih Ming-te urged Chen Shui-bian supporters not to believe that "[they] can master the people after mastering the government"[citation needed], and he quoted the verse, "Those who live by the sword shall die by the sword", from the New Testament. Shih called for various prominent Taiwanese (Republic of China) politicians to join in demonstrating for the resignation of Chen Shui-bian. However, although the demonstration was attended by all the major Blue politicians, no prominent Green politicians appeared.
Demonstrations
On September 9, 2006, the demonstration began as a gathering in front of the presidential office. Demonstrators were organized into the shape of a compass (as viewed from the sky) to symbolize the protesters' demands for integrity within government. Free meals were offered to the demonstrators by the organizers, and various events were held, including performances by children reciting Daxue, an ancient Chinese text by Confucius and his followers. Organizers estimated the number of participants to be around 300,000 at the start of the campaign (the police estimated the number to be closer to 90,000). Demonstrators were dressed in red as a sign of anger, gestured thumbs-down as a sign of disapproval, and chanted "Ah-Bian, step down! Ah-Bian, step down!" (Traditional Chinese: 「阿扁，下台！」)[1] as they marched through downtown Taipei.
Various pro-Blue national celebrities and pan-Blue politicians (current and former) took part in the event. Demonstrators consist of Taiwanese (ROC) citizens and foreign nationals of all age groups, including students from various international schools located in Taipei and a number of Japanese-immigrated ROC expatriates.[citation needed] However, as numerous sources pointed out, the bulk of Shih's followers were not disappointed moderates from across the political spectrum, as campaign planners claimed, but longtime Blues. Shih himself would later concede this in an interview published in the New York Times on Sept. 28, 2006.
The "Surround the City" protest
On the night of September 15, 2006, demonstrators organized an effort to "surround the city" ( Hanyu Pinyin: Weíchéng) with people holding glowsticks (especially red ones), in order to "block" Chen from leaving the city, as well as to relocate the demonstrations from its original location near the presidential office to Taipei Main Station. The event proved successful despite the inclement weather. Demonstrators in red shirts held glowsticks as they marched from GongYuan Rd. to the station, filling the entire road.
MRT officials announced that additional trains would run until 1 A.M. The next day, the Taipei Rapid Transit Corporation announced a new record of 1.51 million passengers passing in and out of the stations during the night of the protest. Currently, it seems the Main Station has become the most popular public resting place for the protesters past midnight because of its proximity to the protest center as well as conveniences the station provides, including shelter, food, and hygiene facilities. Critics of the demonstrations have pointed out that the protests have increased MRT ridership congestions, as the daily commuters now must cope with the additional riders. In addition, the protests have also caused havoc on Taipei's already congested traffic, and the cost of the protests has become burdensome for the city's residents.
The "Surround the Island" protest
After the September 15, 2006 demonstrations, Shih led a team of people through every major city in Taiwan ( Hanyu Pinyin: Huándaŏ Piàndì Kaīhuā) using tour buses to join local demonstrations. Organizers claim that anti-Chen protests occurred every day in October. The protests were mainly peaceful. Nonetheless, minor incidences of violence erupted when the protesters entered the Pan-Green south Taiwan.
The "Besiege the Presidential Office" demonstration
On October 10, 2006, ROC (Taiwan)'s National Day, the protesters returned to Ketagalan Avenue for another "Besiege the Presidential Office" demonstration ( Hanyu Pinyin: Tiānxià Weígōng) without first seeking demonstration permits from the police. Chen was heckled by opposition legislators of the Pan-Blue Coalition during a state ceremony attended by foreign dignitaries. There were also isolated, minor incidences of violence, including fist fights between Pan-Blue and Pan-Green legislators. In response, President Chen threatened to cancel the National Day celebration for 2007 because "everyone has different opinions and doesn't care"[citation needed]. Chen also stated his commitment to clean politics and his intolerance of governmental corruption. [5] After the ceremony, the government criticized the demonstrators [6], characterizing the demonstrations as disrespectful and illegal. Notably, while attending the ceremony, the AIT (American Institute in Taiwan) top official (and de facto United States ambassador) asked the protesters "to maintain politeness" [7]. An interesting idea concerning the protests: it is claimed that as people protested before the Presidential Office, the guards protecting and surrounding the office wore red underwear underneath their uniforms, signifying solidarity with the protesters, although they could not show the color on their actual guard uniforms.
Aftermath
Indictment of President Chen's wife
On November 3, 2006, Chen's wife Wu Shu-zhen and three other high ranking officials of the Presidential Office were indicted of corruption of NTD 14.8 million (USD$450,000) of government funds using faked documents. Due to the protection from the Constitution against prosecution of the sitting president, Chen could not be prosecuted until he left office, and he was not indicted, but was alleged to be an accomplice on his wife's indictment.
The prosecutor of the case has indicated that once Chen leaves office, his office will start the procedures to press charges against Chen. His wife Wu becomes the first sitting First Lady of the Republic of China to face criminal charges since the foundation of the Republic in 1911.
The indictment filed by prosecutors states that the indicted persons obtained government funds earmarked for secret foreign affairs, yet of six supposed secret diplomatic missions, there was sufficient evidence presented for only two. Of the remaining four, it was concluded that one did not exist, and in the case of the other three, the invoices presented were not found to be related to the secret missions.
The Pan-Blue coalition, after receiving the news, demanded to call for another recall motion unless Chen resigned immediately. Another small party that backed Chen previously, Taiwan Solidarity Union, founded by former KMT Chairman and ROC President Lee Teng-hui, said Friday they would likely to support the upcoming recall measure. However, the TSU said it would only support the new recall motion if "concrete evidence concerning corruption is presented." If the recall passed, it would be up to the voters to decide Chen's fate in an island-wide referendum.
Leaders of the Democratic Progressive Party met together on Friday to discuss the unfavorable charges. The meeting ended when party leaders demanded Chen to explain the accusation within three days. There has long been rumbles inside the DPP that Chen has become their liability and that they should recall him before the presidential election. If Chen resigned, he would be the first Taiwanese president to step down and the outspoken vice president Annette Lu would likely take power.
After the prosecutor announced the indictment news, the campaign leader Shih proclaimed in a rally in Friday that the indictment was the historical high point in Taiwan and the month long campaign was a success. Then, Shih led the protesters back to Ketagalan Avenue for more sit-in demonstrations.
In a press conference November 5, 2006, Chen rebutted the charges against his wife and members of his Presidential office. He said that Taiwan government offices advised him to prepare the receipts in such a fashion, and that after 6 years of doing so, it is strange that they would never mention an irregularity if it wasn't the right way to do it. He promised that all of the money actually went to diplomatic missions and did not go into any private pockets. Furthermore, he mentioned that when he took office, he thought his salary was so excessive that he cut his own salary in half, and that reduction is more than the amount he is accused of embezzling, so there is no need for him to take those money. In addition, he said that if the charges against his wife were proven in a court of law just as they were charged, then he would at that time step down as President of the Republic of China.
After Chen claimed his innocence, campaign leader Shih Ming-te said that all Chen statements are fabrications. The KMT party also said that it refuses to believe what Chen said and his words show his insistence to stay in office till his term ends. In addition, the KMT urged Chen to resign.[citation needed]
The First Lady claimed to have fainted during a press conference, and is currently staying in the NTU Hospital. However, many dispute that Wu truly lost consciousness, as she grabbed a bodyguard after she collapsed.
Background
Taiwan's political scene is divided into two major groups. On one side are the pan-Blues, consisting of the Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang, or KMT) and two spin-off parties, the People First Party (PFP), and the New Party. Facing them are the pan-Greens, led by the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), and its ally the Taiwan Solidarity Union (TSU). Since the accession of Chen Shui-bian of the DPP to the Presidency in 2000, the Blue-controlled legislature has struggled to oust him, making changes to the impeachment process early in his administration, and attempting to recall him several times.
The latest round of recalls by the Blue side began in the summer of 2006, following a series of accusations of corruption against Chen and members of the first family. Allegations include insider trading by Chen's son-in-law, buying and selling of shares, and improper use of government funds. The recall motion was defeated due to a lack of votes.
Chen has denied any wrongdoing and not been found guilty by the Taiwanese judicial system. But his approval ratings fell, though the polls that show this is either from pro-Blue news media (which put him at about ~20%) or of completely unsupportable methodology, such as the notorious TSU poll that had him at just 5.8%. Hence, the actual extent of the decline is unknown. There have been calls from within his own party calling for his resignation, since there was some fear among the Greens that the scandals will affect the legislative election of 2007 and the Presidential election in 2008.
The "Million Voices Against Corruption" campaign began in August of 2006 when former DPP chairman and long-time democracy and independence activist Shi Ming-De announced that he would launch a protest campaign to force the President to resign. Shih had stepped down as chairman of the DPP in 1995, and began a long political drift from the Green side over to the Blue. According to his own version, he left the DPP in 1999, though party members said they kicked him out in 2000, blaming his grandstanding and repeated public attacks on his colleagues. In 2001 he became convener of a local pro-Blue thinktank called the Mountain Alliance, along with two other DPP turncoats, Sisy Chen and Xu Xin-liang. He ran unsuccessfully for mayor of Gaoxiong, garnering 1% of the vote, and also lost legislative elections in Taipei, both times running against DPP candidates. Shih's political career appeared to be in eclipse. Several years passed.
In August of 2006 Shih came back to prominence. During questioning at the Presidential Office on the afternoon of August 7, 2006, the president detailed to the prosecutor how he spent the fund and presented relevant receipts and bank remittance statements. On the same day, Shi Ming-De, a former ally of Chen, wrote a letter to Chen urging him to resign from office and to admit wrongdoing so as to "set a good example for the Taiwanese people". The proposal was rejected. On August 8th Shih announced his intention to open a bank account and collect NT$100 from supporters, which would be used to fund a protest in Taipei aimed at ousting the President.
On August 10, 2006, Shi Ming-De began to plan the "Million Voices against Corruption, President Chen Must Go" campaign. Shih offered to lead the Taiwanese people in street demonstrations if he were able to raise at least 100,000,000 New Taiwan Dollars (NTD) in fundraising for his campaign. On August 14, 2006, Shih and his allies began the fundraising event, raising 9,340,000 NTDs on the first day.[citation needed] On August 24, 2006, all donation accounts were closed, and the next day Shih announced that the fundraising campaign had raised 111,211,563 NTDs, well over the original goal.[citation needed]
In the meantime the Pan-Green supporters criticized. Initially the they recovered letters from his past begging the government for mercy when he was a political prisoner, but such tactics were widely seen as unseemly. More effective was the fact that Shih, supposedly battling against corruption, had personal connections to former Tuntex Group chairman Chen Yu-hao, one of the island's most famous embezzlers , a connection that Shih boasts of. Chen Yu-hao is widely known to be strongly opposed to President Chen. The Greens also raised questions about Shih's own finances, and made allegations that Shih was a tool of China. Security agencies found no connection to China, however.
On September 5, 2006, Shi Ming-De held a press conference in response to government responses, particularly from Premier Su Tseng-chang, indicating that the government "will not tolerate the protest"[citation needed]. Shih Ming-te urged Chen Shui-bian supporters not to believe that "[they] can master the people after mastering the government"[citation needed], and he quoted the verse, "Those who live by the sword shall die by the sword", from the New Testament. Shih called for various prominent Taiwanese (Republic of China) politicians to join in demonstrating for the resignation of Chen Shui-bian. However, although the demonstration was attended by all the major Blue politicians, no prominent Green politicians appeared.
Demonstrations
On September 9, 2006, the demonstration began as a gathering in front of the presidential office. Demonstrators were organized into the shape of a compass (as viewed from the sky) to symbolize the protesters' demands for integrity within government. Free meals were offered to the demonstrators by the organizers, and various events were held, including performances by children reciting Daxue, an ancient Chinese text by Confucius and his followers. Organizers estimated the number of participants to be around 300,000 at the start of the campaign (the police estimated the number to be closer to 90,000). Demonstrators were dressed in red as a sign of anger, gestured thumbs-down as a sign of disapproval, and chanted "Ah-Bian, step down! Ah-Bian, step down!" (Traditional Chinese: 「阿扁，下台！」)[1] as they marched through downtown Taipei.
Various pro-Blue national celebrities and pan-Blue politicians (current and former) took part in the event. Demonstrators consist of Taiwanese (ROC) citizens and foreign nationals of all age groups, including students from various international schools located in Taipei and a number of Japanese-immigrated ROC expatriates.[citation needed] However, as numerous sources pointed out, the bulk of Shih's followers were not disappointed moderates from across the political spectrum, as campaign planners claimed, but longtime Blues. Shih himself would later concede this in an interview published in the New York Times on Sept. 28, 2006.
The "Surround the City" protest
On the night of September 15, 2006, demonstrators organized an effort to "surround the city" ( Hanyu Pinyin: Weíchéng) with people holding glowsticks (especially red ones), in order to "block" Chen from leaving the city, as well as to relocate the demonstrations from its original location near the presidential office to Taipei Main Station. The event proved successful despite the inclement weather. Demonstrators in red shirts held glowsticks as they marched from GongYuan Rd. to the station, filling the entire road.
MRT officials announced that additional trains would run until 1 A.M. The next day, the Taipei Rapid Transit Corporation announced a new record of 1.51 million passengers passing in and out of the stations during the night of the protest. Currently, it seems the Main Station has become the most popular public resting place for the protesters past midnight because of its proximity to the protest center as well as conveniences the station provides, including shelter, food, and hygiene facilities. Critics of the demonstrations have pointed out that the protests have increased MRT ridership congestions, as the daily commuters now must cope with the additional riders. In addition, the protests have also caused havoc on Taipei's already congested traffic, and the cost of the protests has become burdensome for the city's residents.
The "Surround the Island" protest
After the September 15, 2006 demonstrations, Shih led a team of people through every major city in Taiwan ( Hanyu Pinyin: Huándaŏ Piàndì Kaīhuā) using tour buses to join local demonstrations. Organizers claim that anti-Chen protests occurred every day in October. The protests were mainly peaceful. Nonetheless, minor incidences of violence erupted when the protesters entered the Pan-Green south Taiwan.
The "Besiege the Presidential Office" demonstration
On October 10, 2006, ROC (Taiwan)'s National Day, the protesters returned to Ketagalan Avenue for another "Besiege the Presidential Office" demonstration ( Hanyu Pinyin: Tiānxià Weígōng) without first seeking demonstration permits from the police. Chen was heckled by opposition legislators of the Pan-Blue Coalition during a state ceremony attended by foreign dignitaries. There were also isolated, minor incidences of violence, including fist fights between Pan-Blue and Pan-Green legislators. In response, President Chen threatened to cancel the National Day celebration for 2007 because "everyone has different opinions and doesn't care"[citation needed]. Chen also stated his commitment to clean politics and his intolerance of governmental corruption. [5] After the ceremony, the government criticized the demonstrators [6], characterizing the demonstrations as disrespectful and illegal. Notably, while attending the ceremony, the AIT (American Institute in Taiwan) top official (and de facto United States ambassador) asked the protesters "to maintain politeness" [7]. An interesting idea concerning the protests: it is claimed that as people protested before the Presidential Office, the guards protecting and surrounding the office wore red underwear underneath their uniforms, signifying solidarity with the protesters, although they could not show the color on their actual guard uniforms.
Aftermath
Indictment of President Chen's wife
On November 3, 2006, Chen's wife Wu Shu-zhen and three other high ranking officials of the Presidential Office were indicted of corruption of NTD 14.8 million (USD$450,000) of government funds using faked documents. Due to the protection from the Constitution against prosecution of the sitting president, Chen could not be prosecuted until he left office, and he was not indicted, but was alleged to be an accomplice on his wife's indictment.
The prosecutor of the case has indicated that once Chen leaves office, his office will start the procedures to press charges against Chen. His wife Wu becomes the first sitting First Lady of the Republic of China to face criminal charges since the foundation of the Republic in 1911.
The indictment filed by prosecutors states that the indicted persons obtained government funds earmarked for secret foreign affairs, yet of six supposed secret diplomatic missions, there was sufficient evidence presented for only two. Of the remaining four, it was concluded that one did not exist, and in the case of the other three, the invoices presented were not found to be related to the secret missions.
The Pan-Blue coalition, after receiving the news, demanded to call for another recall motion unless Chen resigned immediately. Another small party that backed Chen previously, Taiwan Solidarity Union, founded by former KMT Chairman and ROC President Lee Teng-hui, said Friday they would likely to support the upcoming recall measure. However, the TSU said it would only support the new recall motion if "concrete evidence concerning corruption is presented." If the recall passed, it would be up to the voters to decide Chen's fate in an island-wide referendum.
Leaders of the Democratic Progressive Party met together on Friday to discuss the unfavorable charges. The meeting ended when party leaders demanded Chen to explain the accusation within three days. There has long been rumbles inside the DPP that Chen has become their liability and that they should recall him before the presidential election. If Chen resigned, he would be the first Taiwanese president to step down and the outspoken vice president Annette Lu would likely take power.
After the prosecutor announced the indictment news, the campaign leader Shih proclaimed in a rally in Friday that the indictment was the historical high point in Taiwan and the month long campaign was a success. Then, Shih led the protesters back to Ketagalan Avenue for more sit-in demonstrations.
In a press conference November 5, 2006, Chen rebutted the charges against his wife and members of his Presidential office. He said that Taiwan government offices advised him to prepare the receipts in such a fashion, and that after 6 years of doing so, it is strange that they would never mention an irregularity if it wasn't the right way to do it. He promised that all of the money actually went to diplomatic missions and did not go into any private pockets. Furthermore, he mentioned that when he took office, he thought his salary was so excessive that he cut his own salary in half, and that reduction is more than the amount he is accused of embezzling, so there is no need for him to take those money. In addition, he said that if the charges against his wife were proven in a court of law just as they were charged, then he would at that time step down as President of the Republic of China.
After Chen claimed his innocence, campaign leader Shih Ming-te said that all Chen statements are fabrications. The KMT party also said that it refuses to believe what Chen said and his words show his insistence to stay in office till his term ends. In addition, the KMT urged Chen to resign.[citation needed]
The First Lady claimed to have fainted during a press conference, and is currently staying in the NTU Hospital. However, many dispute that Wu truly lost consciousness, as she grabbed a bodyguard after she collapsed.
2007年7月28日星期六
Pentagon fears baseless
BEIJING, May 28 -- The Pentagon has again made China one of America's causes for anxiety, creating tension in the air in Washington.
In its annual report to Congress, the Pentagon said on Friday that China is modernizing its military with the option for surprise attacks, potentially far from its borders.
The Pentagon is worried that China is acquiring better missiles, submarines and aircraft. In fact, most of the world is sharpening its military edge in one way or another without necessarily planning to go to war.
The United States has long taken the lead, with military strength without rival.
However, the Pentagon cannot tolerate military modernization by countries not allied with the U.S.
China has been asked to fully explain the purpose of its military buildup, which the Pentagon considers a threat.
In fact, the Pentagon is not on firm footing in painting its picture of China's military.
The U.S. has consistently criticized China for not being transparent about its military strategy. At the same time, it has ignored the reports China released.
The latest Pentagon report reflects both its deep distrust and bias against China.
The report concluded that China may engage in preemptive strikes, perhaps far from its borders, if the use of force protects or advances core interests, including territorial claims.
China has never launched preemptive strikes against any country. It is not part of its defensive military strategy.
China's code of conduct is: We will not attack unless attacked; if attacked, we will certainly counterattack.
Preemptive strikes top the U.S. military strategy. The Pentagon is using its own mindset to probe the minds of others.
It refuses to understand China's strategy, which embraces the declared policy of never starting a nuclear war. With the Pentagon's limited thinking, it is likely to label many areas of the Chinese design as ambiguous. It is likely to conclude that China may be exploring "new options" provided by its military modernization.
Yes, China is exploring new options - for economic growth. It has been devoting substantial resources to social and economic progress, not to military buildup.
In its annual report to Congress, the Pentagon said on Friday that China is modernizing its military with the option for surprise attacks, potentially far from its borders.
The Pentagon is worried that China is acquiring better missiles, submarines and aircraft. In fact, most of the world is sharpening its military edge in one way or another without necessarily planning to go to war.
The United States has long taken the lead, with military strength without rival.
However, the Pentagon cannot tolerate military modernization by countries not allied with the U.S.
China has been asked to fully explain the purpose of its military buildup, which the Pentagon considers a threat.
In fact, the Pentagon is not on firm footing in painting its picture of China's military.
The U.S. has consistently criticized China for not being transparent about its military strategy. At the same time, it has ignored the reports China released.
The latest Pentagon report reflects both its deep distrust and bias against China.
The report concluded that China may engage in preemptive strikes, perhaps far from its borders, if the use of force protects or advances core interests, including territorial claims.
China has never launched preemptive strikes against any country. It is not part of its defensive military strategy.
China's code of conduct is: We will not attack unless attacked; if attacked, we will certainly counterattack.
Preemptive strikes top the U.S. military strategy. The Pentagon is using its own mindset to probe the minds of others.
It refuses to understand China's strategy, which embraces the declared policy of never starting a nuclear war. With the Pentagon's limited thinking, it is likely to label many areas of the Chinese design as ambiguous. It is likely to conclude that China may be exploring "new options" provided by its military modernization.
Yes, China is exploring new options - for economic growth. It has been devoting substantial resources to social and economic progress, not to military buildup.
How China won its bid for 2008 Olympics
BEIJING, June 8 -- One of the great leaps leading up to the Beijing 2008 Olympic Games was the remarkable change in China between its near-miss bid in 1993 and the successful bid eight years later.
Overseas media say that two events in the late 20th century and early 21st century will go down in history as events of historic significance for China. One was the smashing of the Gang of Four and launching of the reform and opening-up. The other is Beijing's hosting the Games.
Chinese are passionate about hosting the Olympic Games because it is a symbol that China is switching from an ancient nation to a youthful one and from a big country to a powerful one.
As a matter of fact, winning the bid to host the Olympic Games demonstrates the country's rising standing among its world peers and its ever stronger national strength.
In their intensified rivalry to host the Games, countries are actually competing with one another in the fields of economic power, development potential, cultural tradition, education and science as well as international image.
In the course of Beijing's bid for the Games, the coherence of the Chinese nation and the Chinese people's passion for hosting the Games were fully demonstrated to the world. This helped in Beijing's outbidding its rivals.
All these historical and emotional factors are superficial compared to the most important ones: China's rapidly rising national strength since the reform and opening-up were launched in the late 1970s, the growing role played by the country in international affairs, and the trust it widely enjoys among the world's nations.
By comparing Beijing's failure to win its Olympics bid in 1993 and its success in 2001, we can see these factors at work.
In 1993, Beijing lost to Sydney by two votes. The defeat could be regarded as a kind of success, taking into account the unfavorable international climate China found itself in.
To begin with, the economic sanctions imposed on China by Western countries still existed and some people were skeptical about socialism with Chinese characteristics in the wake of the Soviet Union's collapse.
By the way, the influence of politics is still felt in many areas, although the Olympic credo is that sports goes beyond ideology, culture and race.
Eight years had passed and now it was 2001, time for another bid.
In the intervening years, extensive and intensive changes had taken place in China and in the rest of the world as well.
The country's GDP had risen 2.5 fold. China's transportation and communications infrastructures had been significantly improved. The construction of sports venues and environmental protection projects had also made impressive progress.
Furthermore, democracy and rule of law were being pushed forward.
In Beijing, the bidding city, GDP reached 24 billion U.S. dollars in 2001, increasing at an annual rate of 10 percent.
Hong Kong in 1997 and Macao in 1999 returned to the sovereignty of China. They were functioning smoothly as two special administrative regions of China, which helped enhance China's international status.
Internationally, the country's relations with the United States and European countries began to develop in directions favorable to China, thanks to effective diplomatic strategy and policy.
To cope with the impact of the 1997 Southeast Asian financial crisis, China adopted effective monetary policies, including maintaining the stability of the RMB foreign exchange rate. This helped keep the crisis from spilling over to larger areas, while maintaining the stability of China's own economy.
The economies of China's neighboring countries began to recover, thanks in part to the Chinese economy. China's role in maintaining regional economic stability was recognized by its neighbors and the world community.
Against this background, Beijing outbid rival cities in 2001.
We often say that we are capable of doing something because we are standing on the shoulders of a giant. In winning the bid to host the Games, we were standing on the shoulders of the increasingly powerful motherland and the Chinese people.
The author is a researcher with the China Foundation for International and Strategic Studies.
Overseas media say that two events in the late 20th century and early 21st century will go down in history as events of historic significance for China. One was the smashing of the Gang of Four and launching of the reform and opening-up. The other is Beijing's hosting the Games.
Chinese are passionate about hosting the Olympic Games because it is a symbol that China is switching from an ancient nation to a youthful one and from a big country to a powerful one.
As a matter of fact, winning the bid to host the Olympic Games demonstrates the country's rising standing among its world peers and its ever stronger national strength.
In their intensified rivalry to host the Games, countries are actually competing with one another in the fields of economic power, development potential, cultural tradition, education and science as well as international image.
In the course of Beijing's bid for the Games, the coherence of the Chinese nation and the Chinese people's passion for hosting the Games were fully demonstrated to the world. This helped in Beijing's outbidding its rivals.
All these historical and emotional factors are superficial compared to the most important ones: China's rapidly rising national strength since the reform and opening-up were launched in the late 1970s, the growing role played by the country in international affairs, and the trust it widely enjoys among the world's nations.
By comparing Beijing's failure to win its Olympics bid in 1993 and its success in 2001, we can see these factors at work.
In 1993, Beijing lost to Sydney by two votes. The defeat could be regarded as a kind of success, taking into account the unfavorable international climate China found itself in.
To begin with, the economic sanctions imposed on China by Western countries still existed and some people were skeptical about socialism with Chinese characteristics in the wake of the Soviet Union's collapse.
By the way, the influence of politics is still felt in many areas, although the Olympic credo is that sports goes beyond ideology, culture and race.
Eight years had passed and now it was 2001, time for another bid.
In the intervening years, extensive and intensive changes had taken place in China and in the rest of the world as well.
The country's GDP had risen 2.5 fold. China's transportation and communications infrastructures had been significantly improved. The construction of sports venues and environmental protection projects had also made impressive progress.
Furthermore, democracy and rule of law were being pushed forward.
In Beijing, the bidding city, GDP reached 24 billion U.S. dollars in 2001, increasing at an annual rate of 10 percent.
Hong Kong in 1997 and Macao in 1999 returned to the sovereignty of China. They were functioning smoothly as two special administrative regions of China, which helped enhance China's international status.
Internationally, the country's relations with the United States and European countries began to develop in directions favorable to China, thanks to effective diplomatic strategy and policy.
To cope with the impact of the 1997 Southeast Asian financial crisis, China adopted effective monetary policies, including maintaining the stability of the RMB foreign exchange rate. This helped keep the crisis from spilling over to larger areas, while maintaining the stability of China's own economy.
The economies of China's neighboring countries began to recover, thanks in part to the Chinese economy. China's role in maintaining regional economic stability was recognized by its neighbors and the world community.
Against this background, Beijing outbid rival cities in 2001.
We often say that we are capable of doing something because we are standing on the shoulders of a giant. In winning the bid to host the Games, we were standing on the shoulders of the increasingly powerful motherland and the Chinese people.
The author is a researcher with the China Foundation for International and Strategic Studies.
Fewer death sentences
BEIJING, June 8 -- A major reason for the Supreme People's Court to reassume the authority to review and approve all death sentences was to rein in irresponsible use of capital punishment at local levels.
Initial statistics from the first five months indicate that the change has worked. The remarkable drop in the number of death sentences meted out by local courts testifies to that.
It is good to have fewer people on death row. After all, few crimes deserve the ultimate punishment. And this country's judicial philosophy has an expressed commitment to helping erring souls to correct them.
It is encouraging to see the drop in death sentences in the provinces. The local courts have demonstrated a new degree of prudence in a matter of months.
Our national legislative and judicial authorities have worked extensively to refine the rule of law in criminal justice. The approach implemented last year, incorporating both leniency and severity - with the accent on leniency - is a break from China's traditional emphasis on harshness in law enforcement.
The general appeal for leniency in criminal justice and, more specifically, the call for prudent use of the death sentence are both indications of civilized law enforcement. But a more direct cause for the decline in the number of death sentences in the past months could well be the new requirement that all such verdicts be scrutinized by the Supreme Court.
This is additional proof that people behave more responsibly with proper oversight.
Returning authority over death sentences to the Supreme Court is targeted not only at reducing the number of such sentences. With its life-and-death power, the Supreme Court has the obligation to make sure every death sentence it approves can stand the test of time. There is no remedy for execution.
Initial statistics from the first five months indicate that the change has worked. The remarkable drop in the number of death sentences meted out by local courts testifies to that.
It is good to have fewer people on death row. After all, few crimes deserve the ultimate punishment. And this country's judicial philosophy has an expressed commitment to helping erring souls to correct them.
It is encouraging to see the drop in death sentences in the provinces. The local courts have demonstrated a new degree of prudence in a matter of months.
Our national legislative and judicial authorities have worked extensively to refine the rule of law in criminal justice. The approach implemented last year, incorporating both leniency and severity - with the accent on leniency - is a break from China's traditional emphasis on harshness in law enforcement.
The general appeal for leniency in criminal justice and, more specifically, the call for prudent use of the death sentence are both indications of civilized law enforcement. But a more direct cause for the decline in the number of death sentences in the past months could well be the new requirement that all such verdicts be scrutinized by the Supreme Court.
This is additional proof that people behave more responsibly with proper oversight.
Returning authority over death sentences to the Supreme Court is targeted not only at reducing the number of such sentences. With its life-and-death power, the Supreme Court has the obligation to make sure every death sentence it approves can stand the test of time. There is no remedy for execution.
HK remains prosperous under "one country, two systems"
HONG KONG, June 22 (Xinhua) -- Director of the Liaison Office of the Central People's Government in Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) Gao Siren said that "one country, two systems" has been proved a success and Hong Kong remained prosperous under the principle.
Before Hong Kong's return to the motherland, some people doubted whether the concept could be successfully carried out, said Gao when interviewed by Xinhua. Now a prosperous and stable Hong Kong has enhanced the confidence of Hong Kong compatriots and international community towards the concept, said Gao.
Gao said the "two systems", namely capitalism and socialism, have harmoniously existed in Hong Kong and the principle of "high autonomy of Hong Kong people governing Hong Kong" has been fully implemented.
Under the precondition of "one country", Hong Kong's social and economic systems and life style remained unchanged, while its legal system also basically remained unchanged. The Hong Kong residents now enjoy more democratic rights than under the British control.
In the meantime, under the principle of "one country, two systems", Hong Kong has maintained its competitive edge. Hong Kong, with the help of the central government, had successfully dealt with such difficult experiences like Asian financial crisis and SARS since its return to the motherland in 1997, said Gao.
Currently, Hong Kong's economy is in its best performance of the past 20 years, enjoying "high growth and low inflation" for three consecutive years. It also enjoys a booming stock market and real estate market, a historically high tax income and a new low unemployment rate.
On the relations with the Chinese mainland, Gao said the central government pays close attention to the development of Hong Kong and gives an "all-out support" to the cooperation between Hong Kong and mainland areas.
In China's 11th Five-Year plan (2006-2010), the central government has clearly positioned Hong Kong still as a financial, trade and shipping center, said Gao.
Gao noted that though Hong Kong faces challenges of economic structure readjustment and cultivating new economic driving force, Hong Kong still has the advantages which no other big cities in mainland could compare with.
In the past more than 20 years of China's opening up, Hong Kong has been the largest source of overseas investment in the Chinese mainland. Capitals from Hong Kong or those from foreign countries via Hong Kong accounted for 41 percent of the country's total. The proportion is lower in recent years but Hong Kong is still listed No. 1 capital source for the Chinese mainland and the sum is still going up.
Before Hong Kong's return to the motherland, some people doubted whether the concept could be successfully carried out, said Gao when interviewed by Xinhua. Now a prosperous and stable Hong Kong has enhanced the confidence of Hong Kong compatriots and international community towards the concept, said Gao.
Gao said the "two systems", namely capitalism and socialism, have harmoniously existed in Hong Kong and the principle of "high autonomy of Hong Kong people governing Hong Kong" has been fully implemented.
Under the precondition of "one country", Hong Kong's social and economic systems and life style remained unchanged, while its legal system also basically remained unchanged. The Hong Kong residents now enjoy more democratic rights than under the British control.
In the meantime, under the principle of "one country, two systems", Hong Kong has maintained its competitive edge. Hong Kong, with the help of the central government, had successfully dealt with such difficult experiences like Asian financial crisis and SARS since its return to the motherland in 1997, said Gao.
Currently, Hong Kong's economy is in its best performance of the past 20 years, enjoying "high growth and low inflation" for three consecutive years. It also enjoys a booming stock market and real estate market, a historically high tax income and a new low unemployment rate.
On the relations with the Chinese mainland, Gao said the central government pays close attention to the development of Hong Kong and gives an "all-out support" to the cooperation between Hong Kong and mainland areas.
In China's 11th Five-Year plan (2006-2010), the central government has clearly positioned Hong Kong still as a financial, trade and shipping center, said Gao.
Gao noted that though Hong Kong faces challenges of economic structure readjustment and cultivating new economic driving force, Hong Kong still has the advantages which no other big cities in mainland could compare with.
In the past more than 20 years of China's opening up, Hong Kong has been the largest source of overseas investment in the Chinese mainland. Capitals from Hong Kong or those from foreign countries via Hong Kong accounted for 41 percent of the country's total. The proportion is lower in recent years but Hong Kong is still listed No. 1 capital source for the Chinese mainland and the sum is still going up.
2007年7月27日星期五
Top discipline official underlines prevention of corruption
BEIJING, July 16 (Xinhua) -- Wu Guanzheng, the top discipline official of the Communist Party of China (CPC), again underscored the importance of preventing corruption on Monday.
Wu, member of the Standing Committee of the CPC Central Committee Political Bureau, made the remarks when addressing a training course for ministerial officials and provincial heads at the CPC Central Committee's Party School.
The senior Party official, who is also secretary of the CPC Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, proposed four measures to curb corruption over the long term: intensifying party discipline, supervision, building more efficient systems and ensuring official's healthy lifestyles.
"Top leaders at various government levels should be under special supervision," Wu said.
Wu called on discipline inspectors to analyze typical corruption cases and subject themselves to the supervision of the Party and people.
In a keynote speech delivered at the CPC Central Committee's Party School last month, Chinese President Hu Jintao also urged officials to improve their ideology, leadership and lifestyles, oppose formalism, bureaucracy and extravagance, and fight a long, tough war against corruption.
"Punishment of embezzlers will not be relaxed at any time," Wu said.
Wu, member of the Standing Committee of the CPC Central Committee Political Bureau, made the remarks when addressing a training course for ministerial officials and provincial heads at the CPC Central Committee's Party School.
The senior Party official, who is also secretary of the CPC Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, proposed four measures to curb corruption over the long term: intensifying party discipline, supervision, building more efficient systems and ensuring official's healthy lifestyles.
"Top leaders at various government levels should be under special supervision," Wu said.
Wu called on discipline inspectors to analyze typical corruption cases and subject themselves to the supervision of the Party and people.
In a keynote speech delivered at the CPC Central Committee's Party School last month, Chinese President Hu Jintao also urged officials to improve their ideology, leadership and lifestyles, oppose formalism, bureaucracy and extravagance, and fight a long, tough war against corruption.
"Punishment of embezzlers will not be relaxed at any time," Wu said.
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